Black Boys Possible Selves
Black males experience double oppression in school, based on their gender and their race. Plato once declared boys to be like wild animals and the most difficult to manage; his assertion is present in the mindset of American society. This claim is emphasized through the societal behavior expectations of boys vs. girls. Boys are often categorized as out of control and impulsive: two behaviors that are shunned in the typical educational setting. Grade school is an environment heavily influenced by feminine characteristics that often cause male students to be outcasts, similar to “thorns among roses”, as too rough, too different, and unacceptable. This negative experience is frequently true for boys of all races and ethnicities; however, Black boys face additional discrimination because of their skin color.
The color of skin has created an additional obstacle for Black boys in school. By definition, Blacks fit the description of involuntary immigrant minorities (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998). Black males’ ancestors were brought to the U.S. through enslavement, their presence in the U.S. was forced upon them by whites, and they face cultural and language barriers that hinder their success in school. The stigma placed on Black males since slavery persists in their schooling experiences, and they sometimes display oppositional behavior toward the educational system that represents a nation whose claim that all its citizens are equal as a false reality. The dual discrimination against Black boys contributes to the decline of their interest in education, when boys lose their desire for school at a young age; the reigniting of their aspiration to become a successful learner is rarely sparked. This lack of interest, shaped in large part by their experience in US society, has contributed to the development of a negative perception of themselves and of their “possible-selves” (Osyerman, D., Ager, J., Gant, L., 1995).
Possible Self
The possible self is considered the “future-oriented” aspect of one’s self-perception; it is a “hypothetical” image in which one visualizes who he or she wants to become as well as who the person does not want to become (Osyerman, D., Terry, K. & Bybee, D., 2002). Although there are infinite choices of possible selves, the pool of possible selves options is formed by the “sociocultural and historical context” of the individual, in addition to the perceptions of one’s race and gender projected by the media and the immediate social experiences of the individual. Possible selves are related to school and life progression. How one envisions him/herself over time (chronism) will impact the motivation and self-regulation of the individual (Hoyle and Sherrill, 2006). With school playing an important role of influencing the possible self one will adopt, Black males are faced with a dilemma, as they face disparities and multiple micro-agressions in the educational system.
American schools are organized in a way that diminishes African American males’ concepts of their own possible selves as students and beyond. The discriminatory educational system mirrors the imbalanced distribution of social capital in society. This is the environment in which black boys begin to develop images of who they are and the roles they can or will play in society. The theory of “possible selves” creates an intricate conundrum for African American males. Being a male and Black in America presents specific barriers; consequently, AA males must work harder to identify and sustain a positive possible self in a nation that provides a stark social context for their lives (Osyerman et al., 1995).
It is proposed that some AA youth struggle with creating positive possible selves that emphasize the importance of school and fail to envision it as a way to success in adulthood because of the lack of support to their academic success (Oyserman et al., 2002; Ogbu and Simons, 1998).
According to Adelabu’s (2008) research AA students are not as likely to strive for academic success because they it view as a reward reserved primarily for Whites, and to attempt achievement academically would insinuate their adoption of the white culture. Seeing their white counterparts benefit from “unearned privilege and advance unfairly”, causes AA students to devalue and reject academic success. In contrast, Harris (2006) conducted a study in which he discovered Black males do not oppose academic success but rather they believe it has the ability to help them move beyond poverty and obstacles related to social standing. Identifying how and why some AA students have come to this conclusion is a key factor in repairing the negative perspective of possible selves African American students have adopted, especially AA males, as they fall behind their female counterparts and other peers academically and socioeconomically (Adelabu, 2008). This gap in achievement impacts their development of self-esteem and notions of their possible selves.
Self esteem has been directly linked to possible selves and used as an indicator of a person’s perception of their hoped for future self. According to Knox (2000), “our sense of worth or self-esteem is a dynamic proportion, the ratio of our aspirations (the selves we wish to attain) divided by actual attainments (the selves we are).” Blush and Unger (1995) conducted a study on African American males in which they concluded that the way in which one develops their ethnic identity and their self-esteem is directly linked to their self-efficacy. Students who struggle with their ethnic identity have additional obstacles in attaining a healthy self-esteem. Carter (2007) conducted a study on Black students who attend predominately White schools. Carter’s findings revealed that Black students in predominately white schools exhibited lower self-esteem than those who attended schools with populations of majority students of color. Self-esteem, which impacts possible selves, is heavily dependent on the development of the identity of self.
Identity Development
The way in which a person gains her or his identity has a great impact on whether the person will construct a positive or negative possible self. The identities of people are shaped throughout their lives based on their experiences and environment. Humans go through stages throughout their lives that will shape their identity (Erikson, 1968). The Identity Development theory encompasses seven stages throughout one’s life. According to his theory, the fifth stage, Identity versus Identity Confusion, takes place during the ages of 12-20. In this stage adolescents search for their individual identity, which is formed over time in the context of society, within themselves, and their environment. Erikson (1968) claims this is the stage in which a young person seeks to be “whole”. In order to achieve this level of completeness the person must experience a sense of continuous growth from their childhood to their hoped for future. Any conflict that can arise in a developmental stage is a “psychosocial crisis” (Erikson, 1968). Identity is being shaped largely by how the persons closest to the person respond to the person going through the crisis. The manner in which those closest to the person (parents and school) respond to the crises that occur in a child’s life is influenced by their own status in society. A society’s core beliefs and values influence the laws, policies, and institutions that, in turn, impact the child’s community, home and school, which Bronfenbrenner (1994) referred to as the ecosystems that influence and shape our lives. A society that is based in hegemony and beliefs of White supremacy exerts a negative influence on an African American male’s life and on his parents’ ability to nurture his possible self. Adolescence, that critical period during which individuals can experience major confusion over identity (Erickson, 1968), often represents a major crisis in the lives of African American males because of the many negative messages they have received and continue to receive about who they are from every tier of society.
According to Noguera (2008), society has characterized Black males as “too aggressive, too loud, too violent, too dumb, too hard to control, too streetwise…” (p.310). Apel (2004), agrees and claims these words are not new but are reoccurring for Black males; the writer postulates, “Throughout much of American history, Black males have served as the ultimate “other.” In literature and film, they have been depicted as villains, con men, and feebleminded buffoons.” But society also fears Black males for many of their attributes that threaten the social order of society. Demby (2015 provides a perspective. He claims the notion that black men are dangerous is an underlying and deeply embedded principle in U.S. society. The omnipresence of this principle in U.S. life creates a constant barrage of assaults on their personhood. Yet, according to Demby, although Black men are aware of the historical negative perceptions society has of them; they are still aware of their greatness. This conflict between negative perceptions toward them and their own awareness of their greatness can foster behavior and a mentality that is detrimental to the development of a positive self-image (Osyerman et al., 1995). As members of a doubly oppressed group in society, AA males are susceptible to self-hatred (Freire, 1970). Adolescence can be considered a crisis or turning point because the outcome can either increase possibility or helplessness (Hamachek, 1990). Based on the statistics of AA males’ status in the US (but more importantly, the conditions that surround their lives) large numbers of African American adolescent males have been influenced by the negative beliefs of society and have ultimately developed a possible self that is limited and often damaging to their ability to progress (Osyerman et al., 1995).
References
Adelabu, D. H. (2008). Future time perspective, hope, and ethnic identity among African American adolescents. Urban Education, 43(3), 347-360.
Bourdieu, P. (1977) Cultural reproduction and social reproduction, in J. Karabel and A. H. Halsey (Eds.), Power and ideology in education (p. 487-511). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Hoyle, R. H. and Sherrill, M. R. (2006), Future Orientation in the Self-System: Possible Selves, Self-Regulation, and Behavior. Journal of Personality, 74, 1673–1696. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-6494.2006.00424.x
Kindlon, D. & Thompson, M. (2002). Thorns among roses: The struggle of young boys in early education. In The Jossey-Bass Reader on Gender in Education (153-182). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Ogbu, j. & Simons, H. (1998). Voluntary and involuntary minorities: A cultural-ecological theory of school performance and some implications for education. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 29(2), 155-188.
Oyserman, D., Gant, L., & Ager, J. (1995). A socially contextualized model of African American identity: Possible selves and school persistence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69(6), 1216.
Oyserman, D., Terry, K., & Bybee, D. (2002). A possible selves intervention to enhance school involvement. Journal of Adolescence, 25(3), 313-326. doi:10.1006/jado.2002.0474
Oyserman, D., & James, L. (2008). Possible selves: From content to process. In K. Markman, W. Klein, & J.A. Suhr (Eds.), The handbook of imagination and mental stimulation (pp. 373–394). New York: Psychology Press.
Adapted from dissertation "AN EXAMINATION OF THE POSSIBLE SELVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES IN GRADES 9-12 AND THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS THAT CONTRIBUTE TO THEIR POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE PERCEPTIONS" by Dr. Crystal Juanita Adams